Chapter 386
Yuri was not sure whether Suslov said this to him to show his honesty or to encourage him to be a pawn, but the suggestion was indeed very explicit.
Strengthening the supervision of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the State Security Committee by the Central Supervisory Committee shows that Suslov has publicly expressed his distrust of Beria, or more precisely, his distrust of these two powerful departments. The proposal to strengthen the supervision of the election of grassroots party representatives in the states and republics further demonstrates his skepticism. He is worried that someone will play tricks on the 19th National Congress that is being prepared.
There is no precedent for playing tricks in the election of grassroots party representatives. Where did the Leningrad incident come from? Wasn't it the fraud in the voting process of the Leningrad grassroots party organization that directly led to Comrade Stalin's disgust? This phenomenon existed in Leningrad. Did it also exist in other parts of the Soviet Union? Whose views and positions did the elected delegates to the 19th National Congress represent? Aren't these questions worthy of doubt?
Yuri is well aware that there are bound to be various . In fact, according to the Soviet model, grassroots party organizations have very big problems in the process of recommending and electing party representatives. The fundamental reason is very simple, because grassroots party organizations actually take organizational principles as the starting point in the process of selecting party representatives. To put it bluntly, the superior party organization selects candidates, and then the grassroots party organization conducts elections based on the list of candidates.
The election process cannot be said to be unfair, but there are still many areas that can be manipulated. For example, elections at the city level are bound to be influenced by municipal party committee departments at the state level, and elections at the state level are in turn influenced by higher-level government organizations.
Now, Suslov has raised this issue. As the chairman of the Central Supervisory Committee, Yuri is very clear about the practical problems involved, but when it comes to solutions, I'm sorry to say that he has no idea. Not to mention him, even in the years when he was reborn, there was no way to properly solve this problem.
Suslov's proposal was to enhance the supervisory role of the Central Supervisory Committee, but as the chairman of the department, Yuri knew better than him that this supervisory role was actually not very effective, because grassroots supervision was always left to the grassroots of the Central Supervisory Committee. How much supervisory role could the Central Supervisory Committee of Leningrad play in Leningrad's elections? No one could say for sure.
To elaborate, it is impossible for the Central Supervisory Committee to transfer officials from Moscow to serve in Leningrad, just like it is impossible for a supervisory bureau in a certain province or city in China to transfer a person from another province to serve as the director. Even if the supervisors appointed by the local supervisory committee are independent in terms of their functions, their positions cannot be truly independent. After all, human beings are social animals, and it is difficult for those who are too independent to survive in this society.
For example, can a staff member of a city's Discipline Inspection Commission really not care about the position and attitude of the municipal party committee? This is obviously impossible, after all, he still has his own life and his own family.
If one cannot escape the influence of society and the environment outside of work, then it is impossible for anyone to be truly selfless at work. This is the reality and it is also the so-called human nature.
Suslov's proposal was made based on this point. For Yuri, the chairman of the Central Supervisory Committee, this proposal was beyond his ability. Not to mention that he could not do it, even half a century later, this problem could not be fundamentally solved.
If we trace back to the source, Suslov's proposal actually reflects one of his ideological roots, that is, after Comrade Stalin, the Soviet Union still needed a national leader who was similar to Comrade Stalin and also held concentrated power in his hands. Whether it was the election of grassroots party representatives or the consolidation of the core of state power, it needed to rely on the will of this leader.
In other words, Comrade Suslov was not opposed to Stalin's personality cult model, but he did not want Beria or Malenkov to replace Comrade Stalin. He chose another person.
But for Yuri, as a member of the younger generation of Soviet high-level officials, he was not only tired of leaders like Comrade Stalin, but also tired of leaders like Comrade Stalin who could make the final decision on all issues. He had his own ideas about how to govern the country and how to distribute power and interests. Compared to obeying someone's orders, he hoped to realize his own ambitions.
At the same time, Yuri was also very clear that he was too young in terms of qualifications, and compared with those who were now at the core of power, his foundation was not very solid. Even if Comrade Stalin gave him the existing position, he would not be able to sit firmly in that position, or even stay there.
Therefore, from his own standpoint, what Yuri really wanted to support was actually the principle of democratic centralism that Comrade Stalin hoped to practice, because only in that political atmosphere could he have a certain say.
Yes, even as a reborn person, Yuri's thinking is not very brilliant, let alone extraordinary. He may not have too much desire for power, but he still hopes to leave some of his own marks on the big canvas of governance according to his own ideas.
In the end, Yuri neither supports Comrade Stalin's continued control of the Soviet state power nor supports anyone to replace him. He has illusions about the democratic centralism that Comrade Stalin is implementing, but he does not believe that Comrade Stalin can implement this principle. He does not want anyone to replace Comrade Stalin, but he also hopes that Comrade Stalin's authority can be weakened - the best outcome is that Comrade Stalin can... disappear peacefully, allowing the country to usher in another new era.
In fact, at Yuri's level, he no longer has any extravagant desires for power, money and other things that are tempting to ordinary people. To him, this huge empire is more like a painting, and he hopes to add color and ink to this painting according to his will. On this road, those who cooperate are friendly forces, and those who block the road are enemies, that's all.
…
Krasnaya Vorota building, Moscow.
High-rise tower cranes, which are specially designed and developed for the construction of a large number of high-rise buildings, are working intensively outside the extremely magnificent building. The specially designed spire is lifted to the top of the building by a special tower crane and then assembled by the workers.
The Krasnaya Volodya Tower is a residential high-rise . According to the plan, this so-called "Stalin-style" apartment building can accommodate a total of 700 apartments.
Initially, the building was designed with a flat roof, but at the beginning of the year, Comrade Stalin passed by in a car and saw the flat roof design. He thought that the style was too "American", so the designers, worried about being held accountable, added a Kremlin-style spire to the building, thereby adding nearly 4 million rubles to the investment in the apartment building.
It was ten o'clock in the morning, and a group of people gathered in the square in front of the Krasnaya Volota Building. A quick glance showed that there were about a dozen people. What was striking was that all of them were wearing neat military uniforms. Judging from their medals, the lowest rank was major general. Standing at the front of the crowd was a bald man with a big beard.
This man looked kind, but his bald head shone in the sunlight like a large light bulb with facial features.
Just after ten o'clock, five cars drove slowly into the square in front of the building . The convoy circled in front of the fountain in the square and then slowly stopped. A dozen people who had been waiting in the square quickly greeted them and headed straight for the second Volga car.
When the car stopped, a handsome young man got out from the passenger seat of the Volga sedan. He quickly ran to the back door, opened it, and welcomed the person inside out.
The person who got out of the car was Yuri, who had just returned to Moscow a week ago. He got out of the car, and a smile quickly appeared on his serious face. Then, he walked towards the crowd, opened his arms, and said with a smile: "Hey, Ivan."
Facing his outstretched arms, the bald man quickly came forward, hugged him, and said with a smile: "Hey, Comrade Marshal."
The bald man once fought under Yuri's command. Yes, his name is Ivan Khristoforovich Baghramyan. Now he serves as the commander of the Baltic Military District. Unfortunately, he failed to move up one step in the previous military rank assessment, so he still has the rank of general.
In terms of age, Baghramyan is nearly 20 years older than Yuri, but as an old party member who joined the Bolsheviks in 1920, his party membership is much longer than Yuri's. However, seniority is seniority, and rank is rank, the two cannot be confused.
The Krasnaya Volota Building belongs to the Ministry of Armed Forces... oh, now it is called the "Military Ministry". It is an apartment building funded by the "Military Ministry". Although the building was dilapidated when the Soviet Union collapsed, in this day and age, this building is a place where only senior military commanders are qualified to live.
Among the 700 apartments, those who were able to live in one of them were all senior commanders from the Red Army. Officers whose rank was below colonel were not eligible to move in here.
Today, Yuri came here for inspection. Since returning to Moscow, he has become extremely concerned about the needs of the military.
