Chapter 387
In today's Moscow, few people can detect any political abnormalities. Perhaps in the eyes of most people, the Kremlin, as the center of power, has always been safe, the great Comrade Stalin is in very good health, and his control over this huge country is as stable as in the past.
But in fact, this peace and security is only a superficial form, and behind this tranquility, there is a biting cold wind that has begun to blow. Sometimes, Yuri even wants to say to himself: Winter is coming!
The so-called movement triggered by the Leningrad case is becoming more and more intense, and the raging fire is burning towards the Kremlin.
Just two days ago, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection received a letter of complaint from the National Security Council. This letter was a very rare real-name complaint letter among all kinds of complaints in recent times.
The sender of this letter of complaint is Lydia Feodosyevna Timashuk, director of the Functional Diagnosis Department of the Kremlin Medical and Health Department. In the letter, she reported to the Supervisory Committee that the diagnosis and treatment team of the Kremlin Medical and Health Department had seriously underestimated Comrade Zhdanov's condition during the diagnosis process, which was one of the important reasons for Comrade Zhdanov's death.
According to this letter of complaint, the State Security Committee believes that within the system of the Kremlin Medical and Health Bureau, there is a conspiracy group that has close ties with the British and American intelligence agencies and international Jewish bourgeois nationalists. The so-called "serious underestimation of the condition" was not made under the conditions of limited professional skills, but was artificial and made by subjective consciousness. In other words, Comrade Zhdanov did not die of illness, but was misdiagnosed by these "doctor killers" through the misdiagnosis of his condition, concealing the fact that he had a myocardial infarction, which ultimately led to his death.
To put it bluntly, Zhdanov was murdered. The murderer was not a single person, but a terrorist anti-party group lurking within the Kremlin's medical and health system.
Based on this, the National Security Council requested in order to identify the anti-party elements of these terrorist groups.
What is the Kremlin Medical and Health Department? This is a special agency that provides medical care services to senior Soviet leaders and senior military generals. All the doctors who have registered in this department are top medical workers and medical experts in the Soviet Union, including Alexander Ivanovich Feldman, an internal medicine expert who provides medical care services to Yuri and his wife. He is also a member of this department.
Yuri now lacks a sense of presence in the core of power in Moscow. His youth can be seen as a weapon or an obstacle. Comrade Stalin hopes to promote a group of young cadres to fight against those senior cadres, while those senior core members are wary of "young people" like him.
The crux of the problem is that Yuri's "youth" is only reflected in his actual age, but his qualifications in the core power circle are not considered "young". From the end of the war to now, in nearly ten years, he has already had his own place in this circle. Therefore, his embarrassment lies in the fact that Comrade Stalin does not trust him wholeheartedly, while those senior core members regard him as an alien. He does not get full trust from both sides.
It is precisely because of this that, for Yuri, even though he is now aware of the danger, he really can't do much. He is powerless to do anything about what is happening and can only watch.
But from another perspective, Yuri himself also possesses a series of advantages that others do not have, that is, he has outstanding prestige in the Soviet Red Army system. In today's Soviet Red Army system, among the many high-level commanders, there are very few who have not dealt with him.
In addition, he also serves as the Chairman of the Central Supervisory Committee and one of the Secretaries of the Central Secretariat. In addition, he also holds an important position in the Council of Ministers.
In fact, for a long time in the past, including Yuri himself, were blinded by his age, just like the reason why Comrade Stalin did not give him absolute trust. This special existence actually had a lot of experience in the party, government and military affairs of the Soviet Union. To some extent, he was actually a person who had a certain influence in the party, government and military.
It was precisely because he felt the turmoil in the core of power that Yuri had been consciously strengthening his ties with the military in recent times. Of course, this connection was not that close, it was just some work- exchanges, but it still reflected Yuri's fundamental thinking, that is, subconsciously, he always felt that the power of the army was more powerful than pure political struggle.
But then again, the power of the army is indeed more powerful than simple political struggle, but in a country like the Soviet Union, the support of the military can only serve as an aid, but it is difficult to become a decisive force. After all, no one dares to stage a coup here. This country is too big. It is not a small country where a few thousand troops can control everything.
Of course, Yuri had never thought of staging a coup, not to mention that he had been away from the army for several years. Even if he was now the commander of the Moscow Military District or the Minister of Defense, he would not take such a risk. Moreover, he did not think he had a chance of success.
He got on his car and headed straight to the Central Supervisory Committee. Since returning to Moscow, he rarely went to the Council of Ministers or the Secretariat. Most of the time, he stayed . The main reason was that the current situation was a bit delicate. Although he rarely participated in the investigation of a series of cases, he could grasp more information by sitting in this key department. It must be admitted that in a pure political struggle, the role of the Central Supervisory Committee is much greater than that of the army.
The car was driving slowly on the road. Yuri sat in the back seat, his eyes focused outside the window, his thick eyebrows slightly raised.
Now, he felt that what he had done was like a poisonous snake hiding in the grass. His "snake signal" told him that the crisis was approaching the grass, but he did not think of rushing out to launch an attack in advance, but was waiting for the enemy to show up.
In a meeting last week, Comrade Khrushchev had already complained in a very subtle way that Comrade Stalin was becoming more and more suspicious. In the eyes of this leader, it seemed that no one was trustworthy. In some semi-public occasions, Comrade Stalin accused Molotov and Mikoyan of being spies for Britain and the United States; he claimed that Voroshilov was secretly plotting conspiracies with the Jewish bourgeois organizations in the United States through his Jewish wife; he mentioned more than once that Jews like Kaganovich and Mekhlis were "the fifth column arranged by American imperialism"...
Yuri believed what Khrushchev complained about, because he knew that Comrade Stalin was not only suspicious of these people, but also of Beria, because he had received a task from Comrade Stalin to conduct a secret investigation into some issues in Georgia.
In the 1930s, Beria served as the First Secretary of the Party Central Committee in Georgia twice. It is undeniable that he has very deep roots in this Soviet republic. The current First Secretary of the Georgian Party Central Committee, Akaki Ivanovich Mgladze, was also promoted by him.
Coincidentally, Comrade Stalin also had very close ties with Georgia. He was not only born there, but also worked there for a period of time. Now, Comrade Stalin suspected that Beria had set up a "small group" in Georgia. This "small group" was not only playing some political tricks to undermine the democratic situation in Georgia, but also collecting some "forged things aimed at discrediting the Soviets" during the Great Revolution.
In addition, Comrade Stalin also suspected that Akaki Ivanovich Mgladze, at the instigation of Beria, was establishing contacts with the former head of the Georgian government in exile, Noye Jordania and others, plotting to incite separatist sentiment in Georgia.
Well, even though Yuri and Beria did not get along, to be honest, he would never believe that Beria would betray the Soviet Union and support the so-called Georgian separatist sentiment, because that would not do him any good.
Compared with this, Yuri is more willing to believe another possibility, that is, Comrade Stalin did have doubts about the core members of Moscow's power, including Beria. In order to eliminate hidden dangers and consolidate his own power position, he was planning to launch another purge in the Soviet Union, but this time the target of the purge was a different group of people.
To put it another way, even if Comrade Stalin did not have the idea of another purge, he was creating new and irreconcilable contradictions within the core of power. He hoped to replace old guys like Molotov and Beria with some young people who lacked qualifications. In his plan, Yuri was obviously a key figure, otherwise the investigation of Beria would not have been pushed on his head.
But for Yuri, it is definitely not a wise move to rashly step into this vortex, because that means... he will become a tool, a tool of struggle, and the fate of tools is usually not good.
